Project Gutenberg How Members of Congress Are Bribed, by Moore

Copyright laws are changing all over the world, be sure to check

the laws for your country before redistributing these files!!!

Please take a look at the important information in this header.

We encourage you to keep this file on your own disk, keeping an

electronic path open for the next readers.

Please do not remove this.

This should be the first thing seen when anyone opens the book.

Do not change or edit it without written permission. The words

are carefully chosen to provide users with the information they

need about what they can legally do with the texts.

**Welcome To The World of Free Plain Vanilla Electronic Texts**

**Etexts Readable By Both Humans and By Computers, Since 1971**

*These Etexts Prepared By Hundreds of Volunteers and Donations*

Information on contacting Project Gutenberg to get Etexts, and

further information is included below. We need your donations.

The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation is a 501(c)(3)

organization with EIN [Employee Identification Number] 64-6221541

As of 12/12/00 contributions are only being solicited from people in:

Colorado, Connecticut, Idaho, Indiana, Iowa,

Kentucky, Louisiana, Massachusetts, Montana,

Nevada, Oklahoma, South Carolina, South Dakota,

Texas, Vermont, and Wyoming.

International donations are accepted,

but we don't know ANYTHING about how

to make them tax-deductible, or

even if they CAN be made deductible,

and don't have the staff to handle it

even if there are ways.

As the requirements for other states are met,

additions to this list will be made and fund raising

will begin in the additional states. Please feel

free to ask to check the status of your state.

International donations are accepted,

but we don't know ANYTHING about how

to make them tax-deductible, or

even if they CAN be made deductible,

and don't have the staff to handle it

even if there are ways.

These donations should be made to:

Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation

PMB 113

1739 University Ave.

Oxford, MS 38655-4109

Title: How Members of Congress Are Bribed

Author: Joseph Moore

Release Date: July, 2002 [Etext #3316]

[Yes, we are about one year ahead of schedule]

[The actual date this file first posted = 04/01/01]

Edition: 10

Language: English

Project Gutenberg How Members of Congress Are Bribed, by Moore

*****This file should be named bribe10.txt or bribe10.zip*****

Corrected EDITIONS of our etexts get a new NUMBER, bribe11.txt

VERSIONS based on separate sources get new LETTER, bribe10a.txt

This etext was produced by David A. Schwan <davidsch@earthlink.net>

Project Gutenberg Etexts are usually created from multiple editions,

all of which are in the Public Domain in the United States, unless a

copyright notice is included. Therefore, we usually do NOT keep any

of these books in compliance with any particular paper edition.

We are now trying to release all our books one year in advance

of the official release dates, leaving time for better editing.

Please be encouraged to send us error messages even years after

the official publication date.

Please note: neither this list nor its contents are final till

midnight of the last day of the month of any such announcement.

The official release date of all Project Gutenberg Etexts is at

Midnight, Central Time, of the last day of the stated month. A

preliminary version may often be posted for suggestion, comment

and editing by those who wish to do so.

Most people start at our sites at:

http://gutenberg.net

http://promo.net/pg

Those of you who want to download any Etext before announcement

can surf to them as follows, and just download by date; this is

also a good way to get them instantly upon announcement, as the

indexes our cataloguers produce obviously take a while after an

announcement goes out in the Project Gutenberg Newsletter.

http://www.ibiblio.org/gutenberg/etext02

or

ftp://ftp.ibiblio.org/pub/docs/books/gutenberg/etext02

Or /etext01, 00, 99, 98, 97, 96, 95, 94, 93, 92, 92, 91 or 90

Just search by the first five letters of the filename you want,

as it appears in our Newsletters.

Information about Project Gutenberg (one page)

We produce about two million dollars for each hour we work. The

time it takes us, a rather conservative estimate, is fifty hours

to get any etext selected, entered, proofread, edited, copyright

searched and analyzed, the copyright letters written, etc. This

projected audience is one hundred million readers. If our value

per text is nominally estimated at one dollar then we produce $2

million dollars per hour this year as we release fifty new Etext

files per month, or 500 more Etexts in 2000 for a total of 3000+

If they reach just 1-2% of the world's population then the total

should reach over 300 billion Etexts given away by year's end.

The Goal of Project Gutenberg is to Give Away One Trillion Etext

Files by December 31, 2001. [10,000 x 100,000,000 = 1 Trillion]

This is ten thousand titles each to one hundred million readers,

which is only about 4% of the present number of computer users.

At our revised rates of production, we will reach only one-third

of that goal by the end of 2001, or about 3,333 Etexts unless we

manage to get some real funding.

The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation has been created

to secure a future for Project Gutenberg into the next millennium.

We need your donations more than ever!

Presently, contributions are only being solicited from people in:

Colorado, Connecticut, Idaho, Indiana, Iowa,

Kentucky, Louisiana, Massachusetts, Nevada,

Montana, Nevada, Oklahoma, South Carolina,

South Dakota, Texas, Vermont, and Wyoming.

As the requirements for other states are met,

additions to this list will be made and fund raising

will begin in the additional states.

These donations should be made to:

Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation

PMB 113

1739 University Ave.

Oxford, MS 38655-4109

Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation,

EIN [Employee Identification Number] 64-6221541,

has been approved as a 501(c)(3) organization by the US Internal

Revenue Service (IRS). Donations are tax-deductible to the extent

permitted by law. As the requirements for other states are met,

additions to this list will be made and fund raising will begin in the

additional states.

All donations should be made to the Project Gutenberg Literary

Archive Foundation. Mail to:

Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation

PMB 113

1739 University Avenue

Oxford, MS 38655-4109 [USA]

We need your donations more than ever!

You can get up to date donation information at:

http://www.gutenberg.net/donation.html

***

If you can't reach Project Gutenberg,

you can always email directly to:

Michael S. Hart <hart@pobox.com>

hart@pobox.com forwards to hart@prairienet.org and archive.org

if your mail bounces from archive.org, I will still see it, if

it bounces from prairienet.org, better resend later on. . . .

Prof. Hart will answer or forward your message.

We would prefer to send you information by email.

***

Example command-line FTP session:

ftp ftp.ibiblio.org

login: anonymous

password: your@login

cd pub/docs/books/gutenberg

cd etext90 through etext99 or etext00 through etext02, etc.

dir [to see files]

get or mget [to get files. . .set bin for zip files]

GET GUTINDEX.?? [to get a year's listing of books, e.g., GUTINDEX.99]

GET GUTINDEX.ALL [to get a listing of ALL books]

**The Legal Small Print**

(Three Pages)

***START**THE SMALL PRINT!**FOR PUBLIC DOMAIN ETEXTS**START***

Why is this "Small Print!" statement here? You know: lawyers.

They tell us you might sue us if there is something wrong with

your copy of this etext, even if you got it for free from

someone other than us, and even if what's wrong is not our

fault. So, among other things, this "Small Print!" statement

disclaims most of our liability to you. It also tells you how

you may distribute copies of this etext if you want to.

*BEFORE!* YOU USE OR READ THIS ETEXT

By using or reading any part of this PROJECT GUTENBERG-tm

etext, you indicate that you understand, agree to and accept

this "Small Print!" statement. If you do not, you can receive

a refund of the money (if any) you paid for this etext by

sending a request within 30 days of receiving it to the person

you got it from. If you received this etext on a physical

medium (such as a disk), you must return it with your request.

ABOUT PROJECT GUTENBERG-TM ETEXTS

This PROJECT GUTENBERG-tm etext, like most PROJECT GUTENBERG-tm etexts,

is a "public domain" work distributed by Professor Michael S. Hart

through the Project Gutenberg Association (the "Project").

Among other things, this means that no one owns a United States copyright

on or for this work, so the Project (and you!) can copy and

distribute it in the United States without permission and

without paying copyright royalties. Special rules, set forth

below, apply if you wish to copy and distribute this etext

under the "PROJECT GUTENBERG" trademark.

Please do not use the "PROJECT GUTENBERG" trademark to market

any commercial products without permission.

To create these etexts, the Project expends considerable

efforts to identify, transcribe and proofread public domain

works. Despite these efforts, the Project's etexts and any

medium they may be on may contain "Defects". Among other

things, Defects may take the form of incomplete, inaccurate or

corrupt data, transcription errors, a copyright or other

intellectual property infringement, a defective or damaged

disk or other etext medium, a computer virus, or computer

codes that damage or cannot be read by your equipment.

LIMITED WARRANTY; DISCLAIMER OF DAMAGES

But for the "Right of Replacement or Refund" described below,

[1] Michael Hart and the Foundation (and any other party you may

receive this etext from as a PROJECT GUTENBERG-tm etext) disclaims

all liability to you for damages, costs and expenses, including

legal fees, and [2] YOU HAVE NO REMEDIES FOR NEGLIGENCE OR

UNDER STRICT LIABILITY, OR FOR BREACH OF WARRANTY OR CONTRACT,

INCLUDING BUT NOT LIMITED TO INDIRECT, CONSEQUENTIAL, PUNITIVE

OR INCIDENTAL DAMAGES, EVEN IF YOU GIVE NOTICE OF THE

POSSIBILITY OF SUCH DAMAGES.

If you discover a Defect in this etext within 90 days of

receiving it, you can receive a refund of the money (if any)

you paid for it by sending an explanatory note within that

time to the person you received it from. If you received it

on a physical medium, you must return it with your note, and

such person may choose to alternatively give you a replacement

copy. If you received it electronically, such person may

choose to alternatively give you a second opportunity to

receive it electronically.

THIS ETEXT IS OTHERWISE PROVIDED TO YOU "AS-IS". NO OTHER

WARRANTIES OF ANY KIND, EXPRESS OR IMPLIED, ARE MADE TO YOU AS

TO THE ETEXT OR ANY MEDIUM IT MAY BE ON, INCLUDING BUT NOT

LIMITED TO WARRANTIES OF MERCHANTABILITY OR FITNESS FOR A

PARTICULAR PURPOSE.

Some states do not allow disclaimers of implied warranties or

the exclusion or limitation of consequential damages, so the

above disclaimers and exclusions may not apply to you, and you

may have other legal rights.

INDEMNITY

You will indemnify and hold Michael Hart, the Foundation,

and its trustees and agents, and any volunteers associated

with the production and distribution of Project Gutenberg-tm

texts harmless, from all liability, cost and expense, including

legal fees, that arise directly or indirectly from any of the

following that you do or cause: [1] distribution of this etext,

[2] alteration, modification, or addition to the etext,

or [3] any Defect.

DISTRIBUTION UNDER "PROJECT GUTENBERG-tm"

You may distribute copies of this etext electronically, or by

disk, book or any other medium if you either delete this

"Small Print!" and all other references to Project Gutenberg,

or:

[1] Only give exact copies of it. Among other things, this

requires that you do not remove, alter or modify the

etext or this "small print!" statement. You may however,

if you wish, distribute this etext in machine readable

binary, compressed, mark-up, or proprietary form,

including any form resulting from conversion by word

processing or hypertext software, but only so long as

*EITHER*:

[*] The etext, when displayed, is clearly readable, and

does *not* contain characters other than those

intended by the author of the work, although tilde

(~), asterisk (*) and underline (_) characters may

be used to convey punctuation intended by the

author, and additional characters may be used to

indicate hypertext links; OR

[*] The etext may be readily converted by the reader at

no expense into plain ASCII, EBCDIC or equivalent

form by the program that displays the etext (as is

the case, for instance, with most word processors);

OR

[*] You provide, or agree to also provide on request at

no additional cost, fee or expense, a copy of the

etext in its original plain ASCII form (or in EBCDIC

or other equivalent proprietary form).

[2] Honor the etext refund and replacement provisions of this

"Small Print!" statement.

[3] Pay a trademark license fee to the Foundation of 20% of the

gross profits you derive calculated using the method you

already use to calculate your applicable taxes. If you

don't derive profits, no royalty is due. Royalties are

payable to "Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation"

the 60 days following each date you prepare (or were

legally required to prepare) your annual (or equivalent

periodic) tax return. Please contact us beforehand to

let us know your plans and to work out the details.

WHAT IF YOU *WANT* TO SEND MONEY EVEN IF YOU DON'T HAVE TO?

Project Gutenberg is dedicated to increasing the number of

public domain and licensed works that can be freely distributed

in machine readable form.

The Project gratefully accepts contributions of money, time,

public domain materials, or royalty free copyright licenses.

Money should be paid to the:

"Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation."

If you are interested in contributing scanning equipment or

software or other items, please contact Michael Hart at:

hart@pobox.com

*END THE SMALL PRINT! FOR PUBLIC DOMAIN ETEXTS*Ver.12.12.00*END*

This etext was produced by David A. Schwan (davidsch@earthlink.net).

How Members of Congress are Bribed.

An Open Letter.

A Protest and a Petition.

From a Citizen of California to the United States Congress

by Joseph H. Moore.

The Lobbyist.

If a persistent intermeddler without proper warrant in Government

affairs, an unscrupulous dealer in threats and promises amongst public

men, a constant menace to sworn servants of the people in their offices

of trust, a tempter of the corrupt and a terror to the timid who are

delegated to power a remorseless enemy to wholesome legislation, a

constant friend to conspirators against the common welfare for private

gain - if such a compound of dangerous and insolent qualities merged in

one personality, active, vigilant, unblushing, be a Lobbyist - then

Collis P. Huntington is a Lobbyist at the doors of Congress, in its

corridors and in its councils, at Washington.

He is the spirit incarnate of Monopoly in its most aggressive form.

Among the intrenched powers which have sapped the vitality and are a

menace to the existence of our form of republican government, he is

strong with their strength, dangerous with their power, perilous with

the insolence of their courtesies, the blandishment of their open or

covert threats.

For nearly thirty years he has engendered broadcast political corruption

in order to enrich himself and his associate railroad magnates at the

public cost.

The declared representative now of those who have been thus far

successful conspirators against the general Treasury and ruthless

oppressors of every vital interest of defenceless California, with

resonant voice and open hand he is clearly visible upon parade,

demanding attention from the elected servants of all the people, and

easily dwarfing the lessor lobby by the splendor of his equipment.

The English Parliament would relegate such an intruder to the street;

the French Deputies point to his credentials with infinite scorn;

Italian statesmen would shrink from a perusal of his record, and the

Spanish Cortes decline to listen to any plea that men who are at one and

the same time known robbers and declared beggars have blended and vested

rights as both such to millions of public money.

To the vision of thoughtful rulers and myriads of patriots throughout

the world, reading history now as it is being created from day to day,

the Anarchist naturally looms in the background of such a spectacle.

A Search-Light.

In order that a proper side-light be flashed upon him; that his choice

methods of dealing with men and accomplishing his purposes may pass in

review; that some Californians and many national legislators may be

informed of that which they never knew, or reminded of that which they

may have forgotten; that the record of his accidental and forced

confession in open Court of an appalling use of money in defending

stolen millions and grasping after more shall be revived; that his low

estimate of the honor and integrity of public men, and his essential

contempt for the masses, may be contrasted with his high appreciation of

the debauching power of money; that the enslavement by himself and his

associates of the naturally great State of California and her indignant

people may be once more proclaimed with bitter protest and earnest

appeal to all the citizens of our sister States throughout our vast

commonwealth; and to the end that no such palpable embodiment of

political infamy may continue to stalk without rebuke through all the

open ways and sacred recesses of popular power crystallized at

Washington - I propose to revive the recollection of - and to briefly

comment on - the whilom notorious Huntington-Colton Letters which became

public property as part of the records of the Superior Court of Sonoma

County in this State.

Huntington-Colton Letters.

Of an apparent nearly 600, only about 200 are in evidence. It is to be

regretted that more did not come to light. If the public could only be

privileged to read what he wrote to Leland Stanford, and to Charles

Crocker, and to Mark Hopkins - as well as to David D. Colton - there

there would be much to reflect upon. But the public never will see such

letters. The nature of them required their immediate destruction.

As Huntington explains:

"I am often asked by my associates in California about my views in

matters that I have written to the others of, and allow me to say that

all letters that I number consecutively, I have supposed would be read

by all, and then go into the basket together." (No. 561. N. Y., April

7th, 1875.)

That was the safest way. It is not wise to allow great numbers of

thinking people to read that they are victims of chicanery, corruption

in high places, bribery, hire and salary, and oppression through

conspiracy. There might be something more than a spice of danger in much

carelessness.

Tone of the Letters

The letters under consideration, written during the four years from

October, 1874, to October, 1878, tell a plain enough, tale of their own.

They abound with cool and easy allusions to various men and things: to

"convincing" public servants; to "fixing" committees in Congress; to

"persuading" the most exalted officials; purchasing National

legislators, as well as Territorial Governors; to deceiving local

communities, and the United States generally, with well considered

cunning; to working noisily with blatant instruments and quietly through

masked agents; to creating public opinion by means of false showings; to

electing or defeating candidates for office; to smiting enemies and

rewarding friends.

Viewed as a contribution to the literature of fatal political infection

the letters are unique. They embody an epitome of just such work as

their writer is prepared to now continue, if the temper of the American

people will permit him to do so.

The plane upon which his exertions will possibly be made may be justly

imagined from the intimate knowledge and implied approval of bribery on

a collossal scale which he mentions frankly and carelessly thus:

"I returned from Washington last night. The sub-committee of the R. R.

Committee of the House have agreed to report Scott T. and P. Bills

through to San Diego, and I am disposed to think the full committee will

report it to the House. It can be hoped, but I doubt if it would be

worth the cost, as I do not think it can pass the House. Scott, no

doubt, will promise all the - say $40,000,000 that the Act would give

him." (No, 428. N. Y., Feb. 23, 1878.)

And thus:

"The T. and P. folks are working hard on their bill. * * * They offered

one M. C. one thousand dollars cash down, five thousand when the Bill

passed and ten thousand of the bonds when they got them, if he would

vote for the Bill." (No. 455. N. Y., May 3 , 1878.)

The thought naturally occurs here: If such matter-of-course mention of

appalling debauch cry of political honor and morality reflects the

character of a conscience and foreshadows the scope of a purpose, - if

such were his estimate of Congress, and such his belief then - how much

are the Central Pacific magnates disposed to promise now to soon evade

and eventually escape payment of, say, $67,000,000 now nearly due to the

Government?

"The People Can Never Have an Open Highway."

In 1874, Thomas A. Scott, of Pennsylvania, proposed to build the Texas

and Pacific Railway, and to secure subsidies for that purpose from the

Southern States, as well as from Congress.

[With the question of subsidies in the abstract, this writing has

nothing to do.]

If he succeeded, the Southern Pacific would lose its early clutch on

the throat of our commerce, an hundred thousand voters would escape from

political bondage - its paralyzing grip would be weakened, if not

broken. There was deadly issue at once.

Scott wrote to Huntington Dec. 9, 1874:

"We expect to build our road to San Diego, as already pledged to the

public to do so." (No. 416. N. Y., Dec. 10, 1874.)

Later, Huntington wrote to Colton:

"Scott is doing all he can to push his Texas Pacific Road, and his

strength all lies in one thing: The Southern Pacific of California is

controlled by the Central Pacific and Union Pacific, and will be used

only to help those great monopolies, and if we are beat by Scott, it

will be because our friends have persisted in helping him to convince

the public the above is true, and the people can never have an open

highway so long as the Central Pacific controls all the roads that reach

out to the Pacific." (No. 267. N. Y., April 3, 1877.)

Behind the Scenes.

These Colton letters emphasize Huntington's opinions, and expose his

methods during the struggle. Not completely, of course. One must read

between the lines occasionally. Something is left to surmise - to the

reflection, of Hamlet's Uncle, that

"In the corrupted currents of this world offense's gilded hand may shove

by Justice; and oft 'tis seen the wicked prize itself buys out the law."

When he speaks of Mr. Justice Field not sitting in a certain suit (No.

475. N.Y., Sept. 30th, 1878), and, just how he "got the Secretary of War

out of all ugly idea in about twenty minutes," saw three other Cabinet

members shortly after, and caused a President to abandon being "cross"

and to "laugh heartily" (No. 361. N. Y., Oct. 10th, 1877), is not

precisely clear; nor are details given as to how the Railroad Committee

was sure to be "convinced" (No, 59. N. Y., Nov. 30, 1879) or exactly

what he did before writing: "I stayed in Washington two days to fix up

R. R. Committee in Senate. * * * * The Committee is just as we want it."

(No. 261. N. Y., March 7th, 1877.)

And it should be remembered, too, that the writer prided himself in

confessing to deliberate wariness in bribery and, caution in corrupting,

occupying in, "high ground" and preparing in advance to defy

investigators. As, witness:

"I returned from Washington this morning; shall go back next Monday

night. * * * Scott is working mostly among the commercial men. He

switched Senator Spencer of Alabama and Walker of Virginia this week,

but you know they can be switched back with the proper arrangements when

they are wanted; but Scott is asking for so much that he can promise

largely to pay when he wins, and you know I keep on high ground." (No.

110. N.Y., Jan. 29th, 1876.)

And again:

"When I see you I shall have much to tell you of Washington matters that

I have not time to write, but I keep on high ground so that we cannot be

hurt by any investigation." (No. 138. N.Y., March 23d, 1876.)

No just inference can be drawn from such confidential utterances that

the "high ground" of safety was fertile soil bearing the flowers and

fruits of political purity, rather than a chosen rock of refuge from

continuous danger; and the allusion to possible "investigation" involves

the confession that it was deserved and the dread that it might occur.

Use of Influence, and Power of Money.

But, there is no obscurity of meaning, nor is there much room for doubt,

that there is the expression of mature judgment based upon wide

experience and ample practice, in the following:

"I think this coming session of Congress will be composed of the

hungriest set of men that ever got together." (No. 389. N.Y., Nov. 30th,

1874.)

"I sent a man to Richmond, Va., on Saturday, and one to Albany to-day,

to get resolutions passed by the legislatures against subsidies. I think

it will control two members of the R. R. Committee." (No. 117. N. Y.,

Feb. 14th, 1876.)

"I left Washington on Friday, the 11th. I think our matters are safe

there for the Session." (No. 218. N. Y., Aug. 4th, 1876).

"I think our land matters in Washington have been fixed." (No. 366. N.

Y., Oct. 29th, 1877.)

"I think the R. R. Committee is right" (as made up for the 45th

Congress), "but the Com. on Territories I do not like. A different one

was promised me." (No. 373. N. Y., Oct. 30th, 1877.)

"I do not think we can get any legislation this session for extension of

land grants unless we pay more for it than it is worth." (No. 378. N.

Y., Nov. 9th, 1877.)

"If we are not hurt this session it will be because we pay much money to

prevent it." (No. 381. N. Y., Nov. 15th, 1877.)

"This Congress is nothing but an agrarian camp." (No. 449. N. Y., April

19th, 1878).

"I have done all I can to prevent certain bills from being reached, and

do not think any bills can be that will hurt us." (No. 468. N. Y., June

15th, 1878.)

"I have received several letters and telegrams from Washington to-day,

all calling me there, as Scott will certainly pass his Texas Pacific

bill if I do not come over; and I shall go over to-night. * * * It cost

money to fix things so that I would know his bill would not pass. I

believe that with $200,000 I can pass our bill." (No. 107. N. Y., Jan.

17, 1876.)

A Low Estimate of Congressional Brains and Public Interest.

The alarm evidently felt and certainly shown that the Central Pacific

and Southern Pacific were apt to be commonly considered and treated as

being one concern, and not as distinct and separate things - incestuous

and eager lovers instead of alien rivals and natural foes - conspirators

rather than competitors - would be simply amusing were it less offensive

and more in accordant vibration with the pulsations of common sense

amongst a people not wholly fools. That it was thought possible to

foster the idea and expand it into a belief, that Stanford, Huntington,

the Crockers and Hopkins - Janus faced - looking northerly along

monopoly lines, were the implacable enemies of the Crockers, Stanford,

Hopkins and Huntington gazing along monopoly lines southerly; and that

the interests of the government and the good of the people required the

tender coddling of that nursling until it became strong enough to sit up

and take nourishment in the shape of meaty millions of dollars, involves

a sarcastic comment upon measured law makers and estimated victims. Yet

the improbable becomes at times the possible and the actual.

Mark the plaintive wailing in the letters:

"On account of this legislation I think it important that the S. P.

should be disconnected from the Central as much as it well can be." (No.

416. N. Y., Dec. 10, 1874.)

"Governor S. said some good things to the Chronicle interviewer; but I

think it unfortunate that he should so closely connect the C. P. with

the S. P., as that is the only weapon our enemies have to fight us with

in Congress." (No. 590. N.Y., May 28, 1875.)

"If it was known that the C. P. does not control the S. P., I think we

could beat (Scott) all the time." (No. 157. N. Y., April 27, 1876.)

"Stanford, Tom Scott and many others have been trying for so long to

convince the country that the Central Pacific is building the S. P. that

I am not able now to convince Congress that it is not true." (No. 24. N.

Y., Dec. 25, 1876.)

"I have little or no fears of his (Scott) doing anything at the extra

session, but if he can convince Congress that the S. P. is controlled by

the C. P. * * * * I believe he can pass his bill to build on the direct

line between Ft. Yuma and San Diego, and I think I know enough of

Washington to know how he to can do it." (No. 268. N. Y., March 20,

1877.)

"His (Scott) strength all lies in one thing: The S. P. of Cal. is

controlled by the C. P. and U. P.; and will be used only to help those

great monopolies." (No. 276. N. Y., April 3, 1877.)

"What you say about our stopping at Ft. Yuma is well, and would be

almost conclusive if the S. P. was not owned and controlled by the C.

P.; but when we tell Congress we are willing to build this road, the

answer is always the same: Of course you are to protect the Central, but

what the country wants is a competing road." (No. 307. N. Y., May 17,

1877.)

"The fact is, he has nearly convinced the country that the C. P. is

building the S. P. to prevent competition; and I find it very hard to It

make them believe anything else." (No. 425. N. Y., Feb. 25, 1878.)

Wrongs of California.

So much for the United States. Let us now glance at California, as

mangled by the showing of the letters.

And it may as well be stated just here, that Leland Stanford and his

associates, having first in mind and at heart the design to eventually

defraud the United States Government of many millions of dollars, bent

all their energies next to the maintaining of their ownership of

California and her citizens, and all their property; and to keeping

under control their rights, privileges, hopes, fears, ambitions and acts

ever and ever.

A competing line - "an open highway" - across the continent would balk

their purposes. The Union Pacific was dangerous in that respect.

Therefore, it was to be given 10/22 of the Southern Pacific stock, and

become a partner instead of a rival. Jay Gould was to participate in the

spoils of our bondage. Concerning which the Letters say:

"I will say here that I think well of this, as it will have our interest

in the Central greater than in the Southern Pacific, which will satisfy

the Union Pacific, which, in my opinion, is very important. Of course

you will see the importance of the public not knowing anything of this

arrangement." (No. 24. N. Y., December 25th, 1876.)

Check to San Diego.

How neatly the San Diegans were induced to continue to tread out the old

measures of railroad corn for their masters, whose private intentions

were to lull them into silence with false hopes, fasten them in

commercial vassalage, and denounce, as well as keep comparatively

deserted, their splendid harbor, is quite clearly shown:

"I should infer from one of the newspaper clips that you sent that our

San Diego friends were displeased about something." (No. 14. N. Y.,

Sept. 23, 1875.)

That was intended to be facetious.

"In your interesting letter of the 5th you mention San Diego matters.

Now it is well to switch that people from the Texas Pacific road, but I

would suggest that you keep on asking them what they will do, but not

make them any definite proposition, for if you do, it will be sent East

at once, and I am working with the South and saying to them that our

interest lays with them; and that what San Francisco and Cal. wants is a

direct communication with New Orleans and other Gulf ports, and that our

interest lays that way; and we oppose the Texas Pacific because we think

if it is built it will prevent for many years our getting such a

connection." (No. 37. N. Y., October 18, 1875.)

That was not merrily written.

"I would much like a report of the harbor of San Diego, as I think it

is, but I would not care to pay much money for it. Hyde is a bright man,

and if he knows how worthless the harbor of San Diego is for an

extensive deep sea commerce, I would like a report from him." (No. 335.

N. Y., August 18, 1877.)

In California Politics.

The dominating influence of the railroad monopolists in California

politics has been California politicians. They are in the vein of the

letters.

The voters of California have for many years been the playthings of a

few political bandits. They have been driven in the harness of their

various parties to the polls by "bosses" shrewdly selected and liberally

paid. The results may be seen in glittering heaps of spoils,

concentrated in a few hands, in disheartening displays of vast wealth by

arrogant possessors who are not properly the owners of it, and who are

limited alike in number as in intelligent patriotism; may be felt in

unwarranted tax taxation - may be heard in the derision of insolent

laughter from lips merry with the delight of fancied security.

The creation of the "boss" rule simplified systematic bribery,

concerning which read:

"I received your telegram that Wm. B. Carr has had for his services

$60,000 S. P. bonds; then asking how much more I think his services are

worth for the future. * * * In view of the many things we have now

before Congress * " * it is very important that his friends in

Washington should be with us, and if that could be brought about by

paying Carr say $10,000 to $20,000 per year, I think we could afford to

do it, but, of course, not until he had controlled his friends. I would

like to have you get a written proposition from Carr, in which he would

agree to control his friends for a fixed sum, then send it to me." (No.

99. N. Y., Jan. 14, 1876.)

So much for California.

Cost of Arizona Legislature and Voters of New Mexico.

"If we had a franchise to build a road or two roads through Arizona (we

controlling, but having it in the name of another party) it could be

used against Scott. Cannot you have Stafford [Governor of Arizona] call

the Legislature together and grant such charters as we want at a cost of

say $25,000? If we could get such a charter as I spoke to you of it

would be worth much money to us." (No. 18. N. Y., Sept. 27, 1875.)

"I think Stafford had better be in Washington at the commencement of the

regular session to get Congress to confirm the Acts of Arizona." (No.

366, N. Y., Oct. 29, 1877.)

As to New Mexico:

I saw Axtell, Gov. of New Mexico, and be said he thought that if we

would send to him such a bill as we wanted to have passed into a law, he

could get it passed with very little or no money; when, if we sent a man

there, they would stick him for large amounts." (No. 366. N. Y., Oct.

29, 1877.)

Corruption and Bribery.

Such in part, is the story of the Letters. If it is not one of appalling

corruption and unhesitating bribery often repeated, what else is it? Why

should it cost a specific $200,000 to pass any proper bill through

Congress? $25,000 to convene a Territorial Legislature? $10,000 to

$20,000 a year to influence justly a few Californians? Influence thus

exercised is as, palpable as it is direct.

Nature and Value of Picnics.

But ends are sometimes attained by indirection. The Letters tell how.

For example:

"I have been working for the last two month" to get a party, of say, 25

Southern members of Congress to go out to California and over the line

of the Southern Pacific and see what we have done and our ability to do.

* * * I told Senator Gordon of Georgia if he could get up a party of the

best men of the South we would pay all their expenses, which. I suppose

would not be less than $10,000, and I think it would be money well

expended." (No. 208. N. Y., July 26th, 1876.)

But these Southern gentlemen seem to have been somewhat hesitating, as

attest:

"I have telegraphed to-day to you to get some of the prominent men of

San Francisco to telegraph to Gordon, Senator from Georgia, with other

Southern men to go. While Gordon and some others are not afraid to go,

G. tells me, that some of his friends do not like to go on an invitation

from the R. R. Co." (No. 213. N. Y., Aug. 7th, 1876.)

And the fear of a thoughtful constituency appears to have resulted in

"some doubts."

"You must have had a lively time in getting so many good names signed

and sent on in so short a time, inviting our Southern brethren to come

to Cal. I saw Gordon and several others just before Congress adjourned,

and they said they would go, but I have some doubts about it, as most of

the members of Congress are looking after their re-election." (No. 221.

N. Y., Aug. 25th, 1875.)

By the light of the above extracts may perhaps be interpreted the

meaning of the news that has just come by telegraph that the "Senate

Committee on Pacific Railroads will take a trip, soon after Congress

adjourns, to San Francisco by way of the Union, Central and Southern

Pacific systems - in Senator Brice's private car."

Protest and Petition.

It would be an interesting, and to me a congenial task, to further

analyze the Letters; to show what tools the monopolists secured, and how

they worked with them; to set forth how rivalry was met and defeated;

railroads - such as the Santa Monica - absorbed or paralyzed, and many

things were done and undone. But my intention at the outset was simply

to proclaim with irrefrageable proofs some shameful facts, and to

protest against any faltering in enforcing they laws as they exist,

compelling payment to the Government of great debts soon to mature. Of

principal and interest there will be due from these monopolists and

political corruptionists (the first payment, January 16, 1895; the last,

January 1, 1899), $77,049,630.66 - less some few millions now to their

credit. The money can be collected, and it ought to be. In the meantime,

the toleration of a lobby confessedly corrupt argues the existence of a

Congress at best incompetent.

Joseph H. Moore

End of The Project Gutenberg Etext How Members of Congress Are Bribed,

by Joseph Moore